The northeastern state of Manipur has a long record of political turmoil and ethnic strife. At the heart of this upheaval lies the firm grip of the drug trade, interweaving itself with Manipur’s socio-political dynamics.

Over the years, the drug trade has not only paved the way for more conflict but has also rooted itself within the corridors of power, shaping political agendas and worsening ethnic tensions.

In the last months, the repercussions of this nexus have come to the forefront with alarming clarity.

In the past eleven months alone, the conflict in Manipur has taken a heavy toll, leaving behind a trail of devastation – with 219 lives lost, 1,100 injured, and 60,000 displaced, the state stands divided, fragmented into ethnic territories where armed groups are vying for control using sophisticated weaponry and explosives.

Despite over 60,000 armed forces, the search for lasting peace remains to be seen.

The Political Lethargy
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister N Biren Singh have advocated for unity and reconciliation, but the grim reality of escalating violence has overshadowed them.

Modi’s pledge to bridge the gap between the hills and valleys of Manipur once promised hope; however, it now rings hollow in the face of relentless ethnic strife.

The historical grievances of tribal communities, particularly the Kukis, have been aggravated by perceived economic disparities and political marginalization.

While Singh’s policies initially saw support from sections of the tribal populace, the facade of unity soon gave way to deeper cracks, laying bare the fault lines of Manipur’s fractured society.

As the state braces itself for national elections, scheduled for April 19 and April 26, the reality of ethnic division dominates large and armed groups formed along ethnic lines, threatening to drop Manipur further into the abyss of violence and instability.

The Drug Trade

Given the turmoil, the role of the drug trade has emerged as a critical catalyst, worsening existing grievances and promoting cycles of conflict.

An Assam Rifles presentation indicates the vast nature of Manipur’s challenges, from illegal immigration to political authoritarianism, all of which converge to fuel the flames of discord.

The crusade against drugs initially saw a notable influence on Manipur’s political arena; however, it subsequently escalated into a catalyst for the state’s ongoing conflict – the interplay between the drug trade and political dynamics, has gripped Manipur firmly.

The initiation of the war on drugs dates back to 2018, during Chief Minister Singh’s inaugural term, when he declared a concerted effort to combat drug-related issues.

Addressing the media, he pointed to the vast swathes of land near the international border with Myanmar dedicated to poppy cultivation, attributing the proliferation of drugs in the state to dire economic conditions and a dearth of employment opportunities.

Singh’s assertions find resonance in Manipur’s geographical proximity to the notorious “Golden Triangle,” a region in Southeast Asia synonymous with rampant drug trafficking.

It has been designated by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) as one of the foremost corridors for drug trade globally.
This area is notorious for the trafficking of heroin, opium, and synthetic drugs like methamphetamine, which permeate the Asia Pacific region.

The Militia And Drugs Trade
The infiltration of the drug trade into Manipur traces back through the years of history.

Lieutenant General Konsam Himalay Singh, a retired Meitei officer, explained this evolution, attributing it to the shifting dynamics of drug enforcement efforts targeting Myanmar and the Golden Triangle.

As global scrutiny intensified, the drug trade expanded westward into Manipur, spurred on by armed rebel factions seeking lucrative opportunities.

These armed groups, comprising diverse ethnicities such as the Kuki and Meitei fighters, have rooted themselves in Manipur’s vastness, leveraging porous borders with Myanmar to facilitate illicit drug trade.

Over the past two decades, numerous accounts attest to the flourishing prevalence of the drug trade, which has increased across Manipur, transcending its former confines.

The proliferation of drugs has escalated dramatically since the 1980s and 1990s; once confined to isolated hotspots, drug distribution now permeates every corner of the state, stressing the expansive reach of this societal scourge.

Manufacturing facilities have emerged in various parts of the state in the past six to seven years, including Imphal.

This locally produced variant, known as Thum Morok – named after the Meitei words for salt and chili – has supplanted the “Number 4” heroin originating from Myanmar.

By mid-December, “the price of Thum Morok stood at 500 rupees per gram [$6 per 0.03 ounces]. Contrastingly, two decades ago, one could acquire Number 4 from Myanmar for 1,200 rupees per gram [$14.40 per 0.03 ounces].

As a result, there has been a noticeable surge in the number of drug users.

The Conflict
Reflecting on events from June 2023, K Meghachandra, the former superintendent of Narcotics and Border Affairs for Manipur police and current police superintendent of the Bishnupur district, shared insights.

“Cultivation is prevalent in the hills. Meanwhile, in the valley, numerous processing units have emerged, particularly in the Thoubal and Bishnupur districts, adjoining the hill regions,” he remarked. “These brown sugar processing units are primarily situated in Muslim-populated areas,” Meghachandra added, noting, “In Imphal, Meiteis are involved in transportation.”

According to the data he provided, out of 2,518 arrests made in drug-related cases since 2017, 873 involved individuals from the “Kuki-Chin” community, 1,083 were Muslims, 381 were Meiteis, and 181 were categorized as “others.”

During that period, inside a modest dwelling tucked away in a corner of Churachandpur district, predominantly inhabited by the Kuki-Zo community, I encountered several poppy cultivators.

“I transitioned to poppy cultivation in 2014 because, back then, a kilo of chili cost between 50 to 60 rupees [$0.27 – $0.33 per pound]. I couldn’t rely on that alone. The cost of living is high, and I have seven kids,” confided one of the cultivators, preferring anonymity.

Presently, the drug economy accounts for approximately 700 billion rupees per year ($8.37bn), yet only about 20 billion rupees to 25 billion rupees ($240m to $300m) worth of drugs are intercepted annually, constituting less than 5 percent, as stated by Himalay Singh.

The Crackdown
In February 2020, authorities reported seizing drugs worth more than 20 billion rupees ($240m) and dismantling five makeshift drug manufacturing facilities in Manipur over a span of two and a half years.

In a state with a population of approximately 2.72 million people and an annual economy slightly surpassing 400 billion rupees ($4.78bn), such a seizure holds significant weight.

As per information provided in response to an unstarred question in the Rajya Sabha, a total of 1,728kg (3,909 pounds) of heroin was confiscated nationwide in 2021 and 2022, based on the standard retail price of heroin reported by the UNODC in 2021, this haul was valued at $213.24 million.

The Political Clout
Five months following the chief minister’s declaration of a war on drugs, allegations surfaced implicating his wife in connection with an alleged drug kingpin from the Kuki-Zo community.

These accusations were levelled by none other than Thounaojam Brinda, the additional superintendent of police at the Narcotics and Affairs of Border Bureau, who subsequently tendered her resignation.

In a damning affidavit submitted to the Manipur High Court, Brinda accused the chief minister of exerting pressure on her to halt the investigation against the purported “drug kingpin,” who happened to be a BJP leader and former head of the Autonomous District Council (ADC), Lhukhosei Zou.

According to Brinda’s affidavit, she received a call from Asnikumar Moirangthem, then vice president of the Manipur BJP and a Meitei, on the morning following a raid at Zou’s residence. This raid reportedly uncovered 4.595kg (10 pounds) of heroin powder and 280,200 Yaba (methamphetamine) tablets.

Zou, who had absconded while on bail, was subsequently acquitted of all charges against him. Individuals mentioned by Brinda in her affidavit have vehemently denied any involvement in the drug trade both in court and through public statements, and none have been convicted of any offenses.

In her sworn statement, Brinda alleged that while authorities apprehended lower-level operatives, they turned a blind eye to “high-profile drug lords with political connections and politicians themselves.”

The hilly terrain predominantly inhabited by the Kuki community along the Myanmar border has served as conduits for drug trafficking, akin to other mountainous regions in Manipur and neighboring states bordering Myanmar.

“A trade of this magnitude requires political patronage. In Manipur, politicians, traders, and insurgent groups are intricately entwined in this illicit network,” remarked a senior retired police officer well-versed in intelligence operations in the region.

Conflict Fuelled By Drug Trade
While it remains unclear whether any disruption in the drug trade precipitated the crisis, the initial segment of this series explored the immediate triggers of the conflict based on a presentation by the Assam Rifles regarding the Manipur conflict.

Indeed, Moreh has emerged as the latest epicenter of conflict between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, with sporadic skirmishes erupting since late December.

The situation escalated dramatically on January 17, culminating in a 20-hour gun battle between Kuki fighters and Manipur police commandos.

In February, India revoked the Indo-Myanmar Free Movement Regime (FMR), which permitted border residents to cross without visas within 16km (10 miles) using only a border pass.

This move was vehemently opposed by local Kuki-Zo and Naga groups.

With allegations against him subsiding, Biren claimed in 2022 that his anti-drug campaign was making significant progress.

In January 2022, the chief minister announced on X that the government had eradicated 110 acres (about 45 hectares) of poppy cultivation in the hills.

A year later, as the conflict erupted in May 2023, several Meitei civil society organizations attempted to paint the drug trade as a communal issue, alleging that the Kuki community predominantly controlled it.

On social media, the broader Kuki community was vilified as “Narco Terrorists,” a narrative that gained traction.

Meanwhile, the rift between the elected representatives of Biren’s party in the state assembly from the Kuki and Meitei communities became apparent.

Kuki political leaders accused the chief minister of fomenting communal tensions in the state and favoring new Meitei armed groups, Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun.

These were the same legislators who, with overt backing from Kuki armed groups, had thrown their support behind Chief Minister Singh in 2022.

As the ethnic conflict escalates, both rebel factions and political figures from the Kuki community, once aligned with the Meitei chief minister, are now visibly distancing themselves.

Unlike in the 2019 general elections when the BJP fielded a Kuki-Zo candidate, this time the party has not nominated anyone for the Outer Manipur seat, which encompasses the hill districts.

However, in its campaign for the Inner Manipur (valley) seat, the BJP emphasizes its commitment to safeguarding the “indigenous people of Manipur” through measures such as fencing the Indo-Myanmar border, abolishing the Free Movement Regime, and addressing issues related to illegal immigration, all of which have contributed to the ongoing conflict.

Demand for a separate state
Despite holding Biren Singh responsible for the ethnic turmoil, Kuki leaders within the BJP have yet to resign from either his cabinet or the party.

During this period, various Kuki-Zo civil society groups have emerged as prominent advocates for their community’s rights and aspirations.

One of their key demands since the onset of the conflict has been the establishment of a separate administrative entity carved out of Manipur. This proposition was initially championed by 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs, seven of whom are affiliated with the BJP.

Despite widespread resentment against the Meitei community, particularly against Biren Singh, it appears unlikely that a candidate endorsed by the state chief minister could prevail in a by-election in the Kuki-dominated hills.

In the upcoming elections, no Kuki-Zo candidates are contesting. All contenders vying for the Outer Manipur seat are Naga, with the BJP throwing its support behind the Naga People’s Front candidate.

The Unique Problem, Manipur

The complexities of Manipur’s political scene and the interconnections between the political elite and their interests spanning ethnic boundaries defy simplistic portrayals of a mere clash between two communities.

Armed men, both young and old, now stand guard in villages, prepared to defend against neighboring Kuki and Meitei settlements an reports of gunfire exchanges and casualties surface every few days.